I came across this gem of an article from Bill Easterly while I was simultaneously making my way through one of the most prescient, insightful economics books I have ever read, Milton Friedman’s Free to Choose. Easterly’s article follows his classic crticisms of the Development field, including a bloated bureaucracy, a belief that rational though and money can “fix” poverty, and a tendency to incentivize governments to support misguided solutions (and the burdensome administrative tasks, such as the infamous poverty-reduction strategy papers, required by them).
In this article, Easterly has taken his thinking, epitomized in his recent book The White Man’s Burden, to new levels. He really is channeling Milton Friedman across fifty years and widely differing ideological spheres:
Few realize that Americans in 1776 had the same income level as the average African today. Yet, like all the present-day developed nations, the United States was lucky enough to escape poverty before there were Developmentalists. In the words of former IMF First Deputy Managing Director Anne Krueger, development in the rich nations “just happened.” George Washington did not have to deal with aid partners, getting structurally adjusted by them, or preparing poverty-reduction strategy papers for them. Abraham Lincoln did not celebrate a government of the donors, by the donors, and for the donors. Today’s developed nations were free to experiment with their own pragmatic paths toward more government accountability and freer markets. Individualism and decentralized markets were good enough to give rise to penicillin, air conditioning, high-yield corn, and the automobile—not to mention better living standards, lower mortality, and the iPod.
The opposite of ideology is freedom, the ability of societies to be unchained from foreign control. The only “answer” to poverty reduction is freedom from being told the answer. Free societies and individuals are not guaranteed to succeed. They will make bad choices. But at least they bear the cost of those mistakes, and learn from them. That stands in stark contrast to accountability-free Developmentalism. This process of learning from mistakes is what produced the repositories of common sense that make up mainstream economics. The opposite of Development ideology is not anything goes, but the pragmatic use of time-tested economic ideas—the benefits of specialization, comparative advantage, gains from trade, market-clearing prices, trade-offs, budget constraints—by individuals, firms, governments, and societies as they find their own success.
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History proves just how much good can come from individuals who both bear the costs and reap the benefits of their own choices when they are free to make them. That includes local politicians, activists, and businesspeople who are groping their way toward greater freedom, contrary to the Developmentalists who oxymoronically impose freedom of choice on other people. Those who best understood the lessons of the 20th century were not the ideologues asking, “What is to be done?” They were those asking, “How can people be more free to find their own solutions?”
The echoes of Friedman, the ultimate supporter of economic freedom in all its many forms, are clear. Money with strings attached and “guidance” in all its many forms takes away the economic freedom which has been the source of ingenuity that has led the developed nations out of poverty. Only when left to flail, to make mistakes, and to choose from the widest possible set of policy alternatives, do countries find their own path out of poverty.
Whenever someone asks me what makes America great, I typically respond with some version of the following, “It’s the best place to have failed in the entire world.” As long as America supports a pro-experimentation, pro-failure culture, a culture that admits that we don’t know what technology will win or what industry should be developed, we will remain one of the most innovative, economically dynamic countries in the world. Shouldn’t the same logic apply to other countries? Perhaps it’s harder to apply that logic when the cost of failure is mass starvation and civil war?